Palestra de S.Exa SENEC na Universidade da Indonésia
“An Overview of Portuguese Foreign Policy in the XXIst Century”
Main topics
1. Past and present in Portugal’s foreign policy
2. The three pillars of Portugal’s foreign policy
3. Current challenges
4. Portugal and Indonesia
1. Past and Present in Portugal’s Foreign Policy
As the title of this talk indicates, I will focus my intervention on the present and future challenges of Portugal’s Foreign Policy, but I hope that you will allow me to begin with a few considerations about the past. I certainly would not wish to attempt a concise history of Portugal, but I do not think that it is possible to make sense of our foreign policy – and indeed I believe that is probably true of most if not all foreign policies – without making reference to at least two or three of the most important moments in a nation’s history. Again, as with all or most countries, self-perception matters greatly in foreign policy, and this is largely marked by our historical experience. So a few historical references are necessary for me then to say a few words about how, at the outset of this century, the Portuguese government views our external relations.
The first point to be made relates to the country’s longevity. Portugal has been independent since 1143, over 850 years, and the current borders have remained virtually untouched since the end of the twelfth century. The sole exception was the period between 1580 and 1640, six decades during which the Portuguese and Spanish crowns were united, and power in Lisbon was increasingly subject to the power centre of the peninsula, in Madrid. And this longevity has some consequences for our foreign policy.
The first, is that a country that has survived for so many centuries, inevitably develops a certain amount of inertia. Caution and prudence are traditionally considered to be virtues in foreign policy, and indeed if a country has survived for so long there must be something to be said for the main thrust of its foreign policy over the centuries. So we seek to adapt to changing circumstances, but we don’t invent too much, nor do we propose radical new approaches.
The second aspect is that for nearly all of Portugal’s history, independence has meant independence from Spain, and this fact was only underlined by the six decades in which Madrid controlled the whole of the Iberian Peninsula. This relationship with Spain, our only neighbour, has dominated a very major part of our foreign policy for many centuries and remains relevant today. I hasten to add that we are currently under no threat of losing our independence to Spain, and indeed relations between the two countries have probably never been better. Recent history – and especially our twin process of integration in the European Union in the 1980s - has brought Portugal and Spain into a process of alignment that is entirely new, and we have been adapting to this new political and economic reality over the past twenty years. The relationship with Spain will certainly remain of major importance for our foreign policy.
So that is the historical point number one that I wished to make: longevity and independence. Point number two relates to our unique sea-borne experience. To a considerable degree influenced by our need to establish external points of reference that would compensate for the fact that we have only one land neighbour, a remarkably ambitious process of expansion began during the fifteenth century, which left a powerful mark on the next five centuries of Portuguese history. Portuguese sailors headed west and south, and within an extraordinarily short stretch of time, which began with some initially timid journeys down the African coast, it was possible to find Portuguese ships in practically every sea of the world. And the most significant moment of that process was, of course, Vasco da Gama’s famous journey, which in 1498 inaugurated the sea route between India and Europe. Quite rightly, that period of history has been called “the first globalisation”, because for the first time the known world was united, allowing for commerce and political interaction across distances that just a few decades earlier would have been prohibitive.
But since my task today is to discuss Portuguese foreign policy, and not the first globalisation, what I would like to emphasise is simply that my country’s horizons are worldwide. Obviously I would not wish to suggest that we can once again be a superpower, as we were in the fifteenth century, but I do wish to emphasise that our historical experience has left us with a truly global set of contacts, and that many of them are still relevant today. Indeed, many of them have gained a renewed relevance with globalisation. In relation to Latin America, we have an extremely close relationship with Brazil. Geographically, Brazil represents something close to half of South America, and economically and politically it is increasingly a leading force. Despite our size, Portugal is one of Brazil’s largest foreign investors, and in several years recently we have actually been the top foreign investor in the country. This is due to history. As regards Africa, we also have very close partnerships with our five former colonies, two of which, Angola and Mozambique, are amongst the continents most interesting contemporary economies. In a wider sense, we work very easily throughout the continent; we have a strong partnership with South Africa, a growing relationship with Nigeria, and close and frequent contacts with the African Union. Once again, it is our history that gives us the background to work in this manner.
As regards Asia, our links have not been so well treated by the passage of time, but certainly the links that remain are very much shaped by our historical experience. Now, as our foreign policy shifts its attention to Asia, we find that links that are five centuries old have given us a basis for rebuilding our relations with China, Japan, India, and of course Indonesia. In all cases, the depth of our shared historical experience means that we are certainly not meeting each other for the first time and, on the contrary, we have a basis of mutual trust which does not need to be created from scratch.
So when I say that we have a global perspective, what I am saying is that our history has brought us into contact with peoples from all over the world, and that this provides us with an important basis for our current foreign policy. Without this history, I have no doubts that our current world view and posture would be considerably different, which is another way of repeating what I said at the beginning: to understand a country’s foreign policy, one must look at its history.
Of course all of this happened in a somewhat remote past. A more recent moment, of great relevance in our history, came with the Revolution of April 1974, and the process of decolonisation, which was completed in 1975.The process of end of empire led to a profound shift in self-perception, and to a very considerable degree this shift was long overdue. Brazil was the first part of the Portuguese empire to gain independence, back in 1822, in line with the independence movements that swept Latin America throughout that period. But when independence came to much of Asia after the Second World War and then much of Africa from the 1960s, the regime in Portugal decided to hang on, as though it had the authority to hold back the tide of history.
The final disaggregation of the Portuguese empire began in 1961, in Asia, more specifically in India. After its independence, the Government of India decided in 1950 to file a diplomatic memo, in Lisbon, formally claiming Indian sovereignty over the territories of Goa, Damão and Diu, and proposing negotiations on this issue. That was when, for the first time, the Portuguese authorities were confronted with the problem of decolonisation. Salazar, the Portuguese dictator at the time, was opposed to self-determination and independence of the colonies and wished to hold on to them at all cost, and in fact refused to open any negotiations whatsoever with India. In 1961, after several years of political hostilities and skirmishes at the borders, the Armed Forces of the Indian Union took the territories by force. This constituted Portugal’s first colonial loss in the XX century, and was in effect the beginning of the end of the empire. In retrospect, it constitutes a major favour that Delhi paid to Lisbon, and if the Government of the day in Portugal had been more enlightened, and with a greater understanding of the international realities of the time, this event could have led to an immediate process of decolonisation in Africa.
This did not happen however, and it was only when the regime collapsed in Lisbon, in 1974, that decolonisation finally took place. In the meantime, something very important had happened, which was that Portugal had become something of an international pariah. Our isolation was somewhat masked by the fact that next door, in Spain, there was an equally unenlightened dictatorship, but by the middle of the 1960s Portugal was finding international doors increasingly closed. Furthermore, our diplomatic activity had become progressively narrowed down to the mission of avoiding further criticisms and condemnations in international circles.
So that is also part of our history, and when we joined the ranks of democratic nations, in the mid-1970s, we found that we faced entirely new circumstances. We no longer had colonial possessions, firstly, a fact that was an important novelty for a country that for five hundred years had been accustomed to perceiving itself as the administrative centre of a far-flung empire. Secondly, we had become a democracy, and as such important new opportunities were opening up, particularly in Europe. But beyond Europe, the isolation and ostracism of Portugal in international organizations during the previous regime, produced a strong desire for integration into international structures after 1974, and indeed this notion of eager participation in international organizations has been an important trait in Portuguese foreign policy over the past three decades. Thirdly, a parallel democratic evolution in Spain was occurring, which would shortly result in both countries sharing the same set of alliances for the first time in centuries, namely in NATO and in the European Union.
Now, over the next few minutes I would like to describe the three main elements of Portuguese foreign policy, as they have evolved in response to this new context.
2. The three pillars of Portugal’s foreign policy
We can identify three pillars that traditionally structure our foreign policy:
- European integration;
- the Atlantic alliance;
- and the relation with our former colonies, which has more recently widened to include a general concern for a deep relationship with the African continent.
These three pillars may be seen in the Government Programme of the Government that I represent, but there is nothing controversial about this, and indeed foreign policy is an area where one can easily find a line of continuity with previous governments, both of the centre left and of the centre right.
Allow me to say a few words about each of these three pillars. The relationship with Europe, and in particular integration into the European Community, which is now the European Union, marks a vital change for a country that for centuries had believed that its security and independence was best guaranteed by the establishment of relations overseas, rather than on the European continent. In 1976, as soon as democracy was consolidated, we applied to join the European Communities, and we finally entered in 1986, after lengthy negotiations. This has been an extremely important factor in both our economic development, and our political process. After more than 20 years of membership of the European Union, there are clear signs of the benefits of integration, both for the consolidation of the democratic process and for the social, cultural and economic development that the country has enjoyed, and today we very much feel that we are at the centre of European debates. In 2007, for the third time, we held the Presidency of the European Union, and I shall return to that point a little later.
Another essential pillar of our foreign policy is the defence, maintenance and reinforcement of transatlantic relations in general, and of the Atlantic alliance in particular. This pillar is composed of three essential elements: the bilateral relations with the USA, Portuguese membership of NATO (of which it was a founding member), and the Euro-American dialogue, through the regular European channels. It will not surprise anyone if I say that over the past decade there was a considerable strain in Euro-Atlantic dialogue, but which has improved significantly since the coming into office of the Obama Administration. In any circumstance, we consider that it is important for us to promote dialogue and understanding across the Atlantic, reducing tensions where they may exist. Interestingly though, there is a new line of thinking gaining ground, that is encouraging us to look at the Atlantic as a whole, not just in its northern dimension, and when we do that, we find that our special links to Brazil and to Angola gain a new significance. So once again we see our history not just as a matter of the past, but as a guide to our future.
Finally, we attribute considerable priority to the Lusophone space, that is, the Portuguese-language speaking world. After the decolonisation process, we made it a political priority rapidly to establish relations with the newly independent countries, and after some initial difficulties, very close relations soon crystallised with each of those countries. This process of coming to terms with history, and indeed with the contemporary world, was very important. With that we can say that Portugal completed the process of normalising its relations with its own historical heritage, opening up new possibilities for its future relations around the world.
Some years later, in 1996, this group of 7 countries of the Lusophone space, created the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP). This Organisation has established itself as an important forum for the coordination of our views at the political-diplomatic level, and as a stage for political influence for around 200 million people who share a common language and seek common peaceful objectives.
These three pillars do not exhaust our international presence. Just to take a couple of examples, we retain close relations with many countries of Latin America, Brazil foremost amongst them, we have a wide network of relations in Africa, that goes well beyond the Portuguese-speaking countries, and through our support for independence in East Timor we have found ourselves building a close working relationship with Indonesia and with Australia. We must also take into account that we have a considerable diaspora in countries such as the United States and Canada, South Africa, Venezuela, amongst others. And we are deeply involved in the multilateral framework, in various instances.
3. Current Challenges for a Bridge-Building Vocation
By describing in this manner where we are coming from, and how we see our current role in the international system, I hope that I have said enough to convince you that we have a particular bridge-building vocation. We live today with a wide range of contacts from the past, and we have solved all of the outstanding issues and tensions that were part of that package. So we are left only with the positive aspects. The question before us today is: how should we make good use of this heritage? I think that our history, both its longevity and its wide variety, has allowed us a particular insight into the political and regional dynamics of many parts of the world. Equally, as a small country that does not pose threats to others, we tend to be fairly well accepted as an interlocutor in many parts of the world. This leads me to suggest that one role for which we are particularly suited is bridge-building, and this in turn takes me to the issue of international citizenship, in terms of a form of participation in international politics that seeks to create bridges and generate consensuses.
I would not wish you to think that as a result of all this, Portugal has no national interests. Of course it does, like all countries do. But in our case, I believe that the best way to pursue our national interest is to work for the promotion of global interests. There is no direct link between international participation in this manner, and the pursuit of particular national interests, but it is certainly the case that by focusing on issues that correspond to the general interest of a number of other parties, and can be defended in terms of general current principles of international behaviour, one gains traction with a number of countries with whom there would otherwise be little contact. For example, the Portuguese commitment, over the past few years, to create the conditions for carrying out a summit between the EU and Africa, has brought our diplomats and decision-makers into close contact with counterparts from many different countries and international organisations, both in Africa and elsewhere, with whom they would otherwise have little to discuss. This provides a strong basis from which to discuss other issues, including issues of direct national interest as they appear. Equally, our interest in East Timor has performed a similar function, and although it initially created a sharp division between Portugal and Indonesia, it is now a factor that brings us together, and that helps us to find areas of common interest.
You can find this same trend in our approach to the European Union. In this case, as far as foreign policy is concerned, and also in the field of defence, Portugal is among the countries that would be happy to see common European positions emerging. Our perspectives are generally in the mainstream of any European consensus, which does not mean that we do not attempt to see our worldview reflected in the European Union’s external relations. As a full-fledged EU member state, Portugal has the capacity to influence decisions taken in Brussels. Moreover, it is in Europe that we can really be of value-added for Africa and the Mediterranean region, where we have long-term interests. In other words, the combination of bilateral links with the multilateral framework under which we operate results in a bridge-building role in Europe, which both serves Portuguese general interests and consolidates Portugal’s relevance on the European stage.
In general, Portugal is a strong defender of multilateral approaches to the international system. We do not believe that the twenty-first century should see a return to the eighteenth century games of power politics that were played out on the European stage. If this were to happen, now on a global stage, with terribly sophisticated forms that humanity has developed for killing each other, then the bloodshed of the twentieth century would be nothing more than a foretaste of things to come in the century that recently started. Furthermore, we repeatedly argue for an inclusive multilateral approach, that is, a framework which is not the exclusive domain of the most powerful states, but that can incorporate the contributions from smaller players and regions. I am sure that Indonesia shares some of these concerns and is a very good partner for us, for this purpose.
4. Bilateral relations between Portugal and Indonesia
I would not like to finish this talk without saying a few words and sharing with you some thoughts on the relations between Portugal and Indonesia. I should say that history has both drawn us together and set us apart. The sea route to the Far East, as I have already mentioned, was the key element for the growth of Portuguese power in the early sixteenth century. We benefited enormously, not only from the trade, but also from the cultural exchange that gave us insights that no other European power of the day could dream of. I would like at this point to underline the fact that very soon, in 2011, we will be celebrating 500 years of contacts between our two peoples, a perfect occasion to re-examine our current relations and identify ways to bring us further together.
In general terms, and looking at the evolution of bilateral relations in the past decade, we have good reasons for satisfaction. We have settled our disputes and have built channels for dialogue and partnership on issues of mutual concern, of which we should be proud. However, it is also clear on both sides that more can be done. Geography keeps us apart, yet in a context where communications technologies are increasingly sophisticated, the problem of distance is hardly the same as it was five centuries ago. five centuries ago. More creative use of these technologies can help us to establish regular contacts and increase cooperation strategies. It is vital to enhance communication between cultures and societies that are not only geographically distant but also culturally diverse, in order to learn mutually. Also economically and politically, our relation has room to grow.
For instance, last year, Portugal exported to Indonesia little over 4 million Euros and imported roughly 92 million Euros. Early figures for 2009 show a sharp increase of trade, but what these numbers tell us is that the opportunities of business and investment are there for our companies to grasp. In order for this to happen, the governments have however to help create more favourable conditions. That is precisely why we have signed in 2003 an Agreement to avoid Double Taxation and also why we are negotiating an agreement for economic and industrial cooperation.
The recent launching of the course on Portuguese studies here at the University of Indonesia was a very important step in our cultural relations, and we would like to agree on new initiatives that could foster mutual understanding and knowledge between our two societies. There is much to be done on the academic and cultural fields, but also, for instance, in the promotion of tourism.
Allow me to highlight in this context that Portugal – and the Portuguese language if you will – can effectively play the role of a special platform for communication between the four corners of the globe, given its close historical and present-day relationship with the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries, which spreads from America, to Africa and even Asia, with Timor-Leste and Macao’s Special Administrative Region.
One of the reasons why I am visiting Indonesia, is because I will be representing the Portuguese government at the II Bali Democratic Forum. This is a process that we follow with great interest, given our own recent historical experience of transition to democracy that I described to you moments ago. Indeed, given this experience, we encourage countries to uphold the values of rule of law, Human Rights and to work to provide public prosperity and security. It is our belief that an effective tackling of these issues can clear the pathway for a stable evolution of the democratic journey that a country might want to pursue, according to its own internal dynamics; ASEAN countries, and the organization as a whole have made important strides in recent years as regards the promotion of Democracy, Human Rights, and the mechanism to promote and protect human rights. As regards Indonesia, we have followed with great interest your process of democratic consolidation and we think that it is an example for many other countries.
This takes me to briefly refer to another dimension of our relation: the one at the level of the organisations of which we are part, specifically “our EU” and “your ASEAN”.
Portugal and the EU consider ASEAN as the driving force of the regionalization process in Asia. In 2007, when we had the presidency of the EU, we celebrated the 30th anniversary of the UE/ASEAN relationship and we have now a common Plan of Action that will further reinforce our already close relationship. For example, the world is today facing tremendous challenges caused by the international financial and economic crisis and climate change. None of us on our own are capable of addressing problems of this dimension, and indeed other problems of globalisation are also far too big for singles countries. So we are convinced that an ever stronger ASEAN-EU strategic partnership will contribute to find the right answers to these global problems. I think that Portugal and Indonesia, each with its own unique circumstances, can make a decisive contribution in this regard.
It is my belief both our countries bear an obligation to be ambitious and to undertake unremitting efforts to further widen the scope of their ties. Our common goal shall be to leave, for future generations, a legacy of dynamic exchanges between our economies and markets, of a meaningful sharing of knowledge between our scientists and Universities and, finally, of a vivid intertwining of our respective civil societies and peoples.
So as you can see, what is important about the past is what it can bring us in the future, and in the case of Portugal and Indonesia, I think that it is certainly possible to be very confident about that future.
Thank you very much.